The Palestinian feminists in Lebanon working between poverty and violence
The Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp serves as an informal hub for Palestinian refugees in Lebanon. Amongst those tackling its many problems is a feminist organisation.
“Over the past few years, we have seen a conservative backlash, both among Palestinians and Lebanese,” says Leila El-Ali. There has been “a kind of escalation”, adds El-Ali, who’s the director of NajdehExternal link, an aid organisation run by and for Palestine refugees in Lebanon. Multiple factors have come together, each exacerbating the other.
Lebanon has been battered by economic hardship, political instability and war since 2019. The most vulnerable groups are hit the hardest, including the Palestinian refugees who have lived in the country for decades but still remain on the margins. Women and children, in particular, bear the brunt, says El-Ali.
Najdeh describes itself as a secular, feminist and democratic organisation active in 11 of Lebanon’s 12 Palestinian refugee camps. We meet El-Ali in the city of Sidon, which hosts the Ain al-Hilweh camp, the largest and most significant of its kind. Between 60,000 and 70,000 refugees are estimated to live in the camp, home to all political factions and armed militias. Hence, Ain al-Hilweh is considered the informal Palestinian hub in Lebanon.
Classes in a bullet-riddled school building
Here children attend classes. Female teachers use a puppet theatre and drawings to teach girls and boys when physical contact is appropriate and when it is not. In another room, students are drilled on Arabic grammar, while on the ground floor a group of women – many of them mothers of the pupils – gather to talk about poverty, patriarchal norms and social stigma. “They carry a lot on their shoulders. They come here to share their experiences and seek help,” says El-Ali.
Since Lebanon’s economic crisis in 2019, unemployment has soared, leaving Palestinians, who have long struggled to gain access to the labour market, even more dependent on international aid.
“Many Palestinians work for international organisations like [the UN Palestinian refugee agency] UNRWA or various other NGOs. But all of them have been hit hard by funding cuts, which have caused major problems in the camps,” El-Ali adds.
More and more governments have slashed their budgets for development cooperation and humanitarian aid. European countries, including Switzerland, have made significant cuts, but the largest reductions came from the United States, once one of the world’s largest donors through its development agency, USAID. In a country like Lebanon, where refugees heavily depend on this funding, the impact is enormous.
>>Read this article for more on the situation of Syrian refugees in Lebanon.
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Syrian refugees in Lebanon in dilemma over staying or returning
Domestic and gender-based violence, child labour, drug use and psychosocial problems are on the rise and, according to El-Ali, clearly indicate a broader social decline. “Some of the most vulnerable can only be supported with basic food assistance,” she says.
Switzerland is present in Lebanon via a wide range of aid programmes, and the Swiss embassy in Beirut also handles diplomatic relations with Syria. The Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC) and numerous Swiss NGOs operate in Lebanon.
The projects mentioned in the article are implemented by the local organisation NajdehExternal link, which is the implementing partner of the Swiss Protestant Reformed Church (HEKS/EPER).External link
From December 13 to 20, the foundation Swiss SolidarityExternal link is collecting donations in support of projects that protect children from violence and abuse, including the initiatives described here.
Swiss Solidarity raises funds for people in need and is the humanitarian arm of the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation, the parent company of Swissinfo.
Politically unwelcome
The estimated 220,000 Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon remain a political flashpoint, even after decades. “The question of granting Lebanese citizenship to Palestinian refugees is a major taboo in Lebanon,” says Anthony Samrani, co-editor of the French-language newspaper L’Orient-Le Jour.
Their role in the civil war and Lebanon’s finely balanced confessional political system have made them a thorn in the side of many parties. With no real chance of integration, many have thrown themselves even more deeply into the Palestinian cause, says Samrani: “This has only created problems for Lebanon and hasn’t helped Palestine.” Now, the question is who will lead the Palestine refugees in Lebanon, and it is still unclear whether Fatah or Hamas will take over control.
This too is closely linked to the developments in the occupied Palestinian territory in the West Bank and Gaza, where family ties continue to exist.
Power struggles in the camps
The power struggles between rival factions also take place inside the camps. Parts of the façade of the UNRWA school opposite the Najdeh centre are pockmarked with bullet holes, the result of a shootout between Fatah and Hamas a few years ago, El-Ali explains. Several other buildings around the centre bear similar scars from the fighting.
How safely can a secular feminist democratic organisation actually work in such a hostile environment? “The factions know us. They know who we are and what we do. They respect our work,” says El-Ali.
The individual factions are far from being able to fully manage the camps. No matter how strong the sense of Palestinian identity, the political forces remain weak, and this is evident in Ain al-Hilweh. Decades ago, the Lebanese government and the Palestinian coalition PLO agreed that the refugee camps would be self-administered.
Lebanese security forces are not allowed to enter the fenced-off camp. At the five checkpoints, they check everyone who comes and goes. Further on, armed guards from the locally dominant Palestinian faction man a second informal checkpoint.
These physical barriers also prevent women from seeking help outside the camp. While crime and danger are stated as the reason for isolating the camp, the measures only reinforce them. The camp has also become a stark symbol of the struggles Palestinian refugees in Lebanon are faced with.
For the situation to improve, the country’s security situation would first have to stabilise. Just a few days after our visit, the fragility of the situation became evident when Israeli forces bombed the camp, killing 14 people. Israel claimed it targeted Hamas military facilities, but camp residents told the mediaExternal link that those killed were teenagers playing football.
>>Read this article about the no-go zone in southern Lebanon.
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Rubble and drones: in the no-go zone between Lebanon and Israel
Edited by Benjamin von Wyl
Adapted from German by Billi Bierling/gw
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