How direct democracy became part of Orbán’s ‘illiberal’ toolkit in Hungary

Ahead of April 12 elections, Hungary has seen plenty of flag-waving both by the governing Fidesz party and the opposition Tisza group. Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

Since 2010, Viktor Orbán’s government has managed to channel public sentiment using a range of direct-democratic instruments – including one which even Switzerland’s ample repertoire lacks: the “national consultation”.

In June 2025, Hungarians delivered a seemingly resounding verdict. According to the government-run “Vote 2025” exercise, 95% opposed the idea of Ukraine joining the European Union (EU). For longstanding prime minister Viktor Orbán, it was an ideal outcome. He promptly took this “strong mandate” to Brussels to bolster his efforts to block further EU support for Kyiv.

Yet on closer inspection, the mandate rested on shakier ground – it didn’t emerge from a “vote” at all. Rather it came from a so-called “national consultation”, a non-binding questionnaire which experts say is less about measuring public opinion than about mobilising supporters – and which has been used as one element in Hungary’s shift away from many liberal democratic principles under Orbán.

And while the government has been the main user of the tool – launching over a dozen consultations since 2010 – the opposition is also well aware of their value for campaigning. Orbán’s main challenger in pivotal elections on April 12, Péter Magyar, also ran a rival consultation on Ukraine which produced a very different result – 58.2% said they were in favour of its EU candidacy.

Viktor Orbán at an EU summit in Brussels, March 19, 2026. Will he still be the face of Hungary after April 12? Copyright 2026 The Associated Press. All Rights Reserved.

‘Illusion of direct democracy’

Zoltán Pozsár-Szentmiklósy, a constitutional law professor at Eötvös Loránd University in Budapest, is blunt. Such consultations merely maintain an “illusion of direct democracy”, he says. In practice, they are “informal tools of political communication” designed to legitimise pre-existing agendas.

Unlike referendums, which require rules on wording, framing, and stakes in order to be fair, consultations are largely unregulated, the researcher notes. Authorities draft a question – other examples have included heated issues like terrorism or George Soros – send it to households with an official recommendation and collect responses by post or online. Participation and results are opaque, and “practically anyone” could fill out the online version, regardless of citizenship or eligibility, Pozsár-Szentmiklósy says.

All this makes it difficult to assess the credibility of the outcome. In the Ukraine-EU case, officials reported 2.2 million responses – about a third of the electorate. But research suggests most respondents tend to be supporters of Orbán’s Fidesz party; opponents and minorities often abstain. Other polls point to more nuanced views on Ukraine than the headline 95% rejection suggests. Magyar’s rival questionnaire drew 1.1 million responses, but its representativeness is equally uncertain.

For Orbán, the consultations – which are rarely used elsewhere – are framed as a way to gauge and implement the popular will. In theory, this might sound promising as an experiment in deliberative democracy, especially at a time of declining trust. France’s “Great National Debate”, or even local citizens’ assemblies in Switzerland, are other examples of more limited experiments in this vein. In practice, however, the Hungarian version has evolved differently over the past decade, “as a plebiscitary instrument to reinvigorate [Fidesz’s] position and mobilise its own supporters”, two researchers writeExternal link.

What kinds of rules and procedures are needed to make sure a referendum is fair? Find out in our explainer:

Direct democracy in an illiberal system

The consultations thus make up one piece of the broader transformation of Hungarian democracy over the past decade. During this period, Orbán – who polls suggest faces a tough contest in April – cemented Fidesz’s dominance through various legal changes, making Hungary a prototype of what he called “illiberal democracy” in the process. The model has attracted attention: admiration from figures like Donald Trump, and criticism from institutions like the European Parliament, which has warnedExternal link of “democratic backsliding”.

Natasha Wunsch, a professor of European Studies at the University of Fribourg, says such backsliding typically involves the gradual erosion of checks and balances like media freedom, judicial independence and minority rights. But direct democracy can also play a role. “Executives, particularly in Hungary, have used referendums in recent years as a plebiscitary tool to strengthen their power,” she says. While not the primary mechanism, it acts as a “complementary” means of consolidating authority and boosting popular support.

After founding Tisza in 2024, former Orbán ally Péter Magyar has quickly managed to build a movement with a serious chance of electoral success. EPA/Tibor Illyes

Majoritarian view

Wunsch adds that Orbán’s conception of democracy – as in many cases of backsliding – is majoritarian. Electoral victory is treated as sufficient to legitimise almost any government action, even if it bypasses institutional constraints or minority protections. The logic has also extended to more formal tools of direct democracy like referendums, she continues. Here, Fidesz has selectively imposed its top-down agenda while making bottom-up initiatives harder.

As an example, Wunsch points to a 2016 referendum on migrant quotas. While it was officially invalid due to low turnout, its result – 98% were opposed to any EU-imposed “resettlements” of asylum seekers – was nonetheless taken by Orbán as a success. In 2022, another set of referendums was criticised by the OSCEExternal link for not offering voters “objective information” on the issues or the competing arguments.

At the same time, grassroots initiatives have been stifled. Hungary’s National Election Commission – appointed by the Fidesz-dominated parliament – applies strict admissibility criteria to non-government proposals, severely limiting their chances. The numbers are telling: of the 1,937 initiatives and referendums launched in Hungary from 1990 to 2020, 93% were inadmissible, according to research by Daniel MoeckliExternal link from the University of Zurich. In Switzerland, just four popular initiatives have been declared invalidExternal link in over a century.

Have you ever voted in a referendum where you live? Let us know in the discussion below:

Hungary at a turning point?

Whether Hungary’s direct democracy landscape will change significantly after April’s elections is unclear. As one of Europe’s most closely watched cases of democratic backsliding, many are keen to see whether Magyar and his Tisza party – if elected – will deliver on their pledge to steer the country towards Brussels and away from Russian influence – or whether much will change at all.

Domestically, however, Wunsch and Pozsár-Szentmiklósy say democracy – and direct democracy in particular – has played only a limited role in the campaign. Voters have been more focused on practical issues like education, healthcare and infrastructure. Magyar has also kept his positions deliberately broad, seeking to appeal to as wide an electorate as possible. Direct appeals for democratic renewal have not been a central theme, Wunsch notes.

Tisza’s election manifesto meanwhile does not explicitly mention direct democracy. Yet the party and its leader are clearly aware of its potential as a tool of mobilisation and communication. And this could continue: after having run his own “Voice of the Nation” consultation on the Ukraine question in 2025, Magyar has since said he would organise a national referendum on the issue if elected. Even Orbán’s opponents are not averse to using the tools he shaped in the past decade.

Edited by Benjamin von Wyl/jdp

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